Background to the Study
The growth of global Pentecostalism in Nigeria and Igboland in particular emanated naturally from the religious and political scenario of the country between 1950 and 1970. Kalu (2008) says that this phenomenal increase could be measured by non-quantitative indexes, but assessed by the vitality of practice, high visibility in the public space and intensity of the debate caused by its diatribe against the alleged compromises by other forms of Christianity. The force of Pentecostalism is often felt like a wind within the hallowed temples of opponents. This force is sensitive to the socio-economic and political terrains. This movement is characterized by variety, flexibility, and an expanding continuum of adaptive social inventions traceable in its ministerial formation, liturgy, economic practices, organizations and infrastructure that range from storefronts in poor environments to imposing structures in cities. It is a charismatic protestant Christian movement that emphasizes a personal encounter with Jesus Christ as Saviour and healer, with the potential for converts to be ―born again‖ as Christians. The scripture in Acts 2:1- 41 recorded the dramatic experience that is contemplated in the Pentecost event. It is about the descent of the Holy Spirit on the apostles and the baptism of about 3,000 converts. That periscope, according to Izunwa 2 (2011), outlines the Pentecost experience of the church of the ages. This, however, includes the strange descent of tongues of fire, on and the utterance in foreign tongues by the apostles, the flight of the spirit of timidity and readiness to preach the gospel. Added to these was the giving of other spiritual gifts which enriched the church with every spiritual blessing from the heavenly places. When the Pentecost day came around, they have all met together, when suddenly there came from heaven a sound as of violet wind, which filled the entire house in which they were sitting and there appeared to them tongues as of fire; these separated and came to rest on the head of each of them. They were all filled with the Holy Spirit and began to speak in different languages as the spirit gave them power to express themselves (Acts 2:1-4). The Pentecost empowered the church. Lowery (1985) remarks that ―it inaugurated the church and empowered it to bring good news of Jesus Christ to all nations‖ (p. 102). In the pre-independence period, Pentecostalism was not a serious Christian system in Igboland because at that time the Christian missionary ideology bred a society of Igbo people who were strongly attached to the value of church membership. Church membership according to Kalu (1978), was seen as a part of modern life and hence a fashionable mode of life, while traditional religious life was seen as an outdated mode of life. Thus there was a boost in church membership. The organizational structure of the church was so firmly parish based, and people‘s sense of church membership was so high. In the pre-independence period, a number of pseudo-Pentecostal movements sprang up in some parts of Igboland, and ebbed as rapidly as they had grown. In most cases, the death of the founders brought about an almost immediate end to the movements until about the mid-seventies when Evangelical cum Pentecostal movement came to take firm root in Igboland through the ministry of the scripture union. Before the end of the Nigeria-Biafria war in 1970, there were only a handful of Pentecostal churches in southeastern part of Nigeria. Amucheazi (1986) wrote that the factors 3 that explain why this was so are not difficult to fathom; first, as a movement, Pentecostalism started in 1906 in faraway United States of America. And in fact, by 1906, the Anglican denomination, the Roman Catholics, the Methodists and Presbyterians had gained footholds in Igboland and had made their presence felt by such missionary accompaniment – western education, healthcare services among others. In addition to the above, is the fact that by the time Pentecostalism had spread to Nigeria and Igboland in particular, the available religious space had been competitively partitioned by the first comers. The early Pentecostals also did not have the funds to start mission schools like the already established missions, which could have attracted membership. As a result of this, the pre-civil war Pentecostal churches in Igboland can be said to have been marginal and somewhat insignificant. Nigerian Pentecostalism emerged in the 1970s as university-educated charismatic youths began creating their own spaces for worship. The roots of Pentecostalism are in the African initiated churches (AICs) such as the Aladura, and especially in American and British Evangelical and Pentecostal outreach and American televangelism and other Christian media. The emergence of Nigerian Pentecostalism as stated by Kalu (2010) followed a period of immense post-independence instability, characterized by violence (the civil war, especially), political corruption, and rise of the military government. The oil boom of the 1970s transformed the Nigerian landscape, particularly in the south, where a well connected elite profited and conspicuous consumption blossomed. As a result of this, life was made more difficult for the vast majority of people who increasingly turned to religious organizations to provide for their basic needs. Some of the Pentecostal religious leaders took advantage of the situation and directed their services to the masses, emphasizing a prosperity gospel which holds that faith is the key to prosperity in this world. As a result of this, these pastors contextualized the privileged of Nigeria‘s Christian elite, and attracted hundreds of thousands of poor and middle class Nigerians aspiring to greater wealth. 4 The movement started immediately after the civil war. The political independence of Nigeria seemed to have in turn encouraged religious independence in the country, giving rise to a situation whereby the strong tie of membership of the mainline churches was loosened. The Anglican church and her other sister Protestant churches were the major victims of this development because of their loose attitude to Bible reading as opposed to the Roman Catholic Church which restricted Bible reading to the priests. Consequently, Christians in protestant churches began to see themselves more as individual Christians than as part of the corporate body, the church. Following this development, there sprang up independent Christian group, with evangelical and Pentecostal persuasions, most of which initially claimed to be non-denominational, only to turn round and become churches later. Kalu (2008) notes that, though the mainline churches remain significant… but everyone is aware of the Pentecostal charismatic prayer centres, all night services, crusades, conventions, Bible schools, new buildings (schools, cinemas and halls they rent), car bumper stickers and banners and posters everywhere, advertising an enormous range of forthcoming activities. Everyone is aware of their media efforts. These were mainly the activities and events that happened during and in the months after the Nigerian civil war, which are said to have propelled the Pentecostal growth in Igboland. The outbreak of the Nigerian-Biafran war enhanced opportunity for international infiltrations into Nigeria‘s polity. The country was artificially created by the British colonial power without the consent of the people being herded. Over 250 ethnic groups were arbitrarily fused together into an unwieldy and non-consensual union by the United Kingdom. Audu, Osuala and Ibrahim (2015) wrote that Nigeria was so ethnically, religiously and linguistically complex that even some of its leading politicians initially doubted if it could constitute a real country. During the period between the political independence of Nigeria and the subsequent civil war of 1970–1995, the Orthodox churches were almost in the same spiritual state as ordinary social groups. This war resulted when the small West African 5 region primarily populated by the Igbo ethnic group attempted to secede from Nigeria, a former British colony. According to Chidiukwu (2015), an estimated 1.2 million people were killed in the conflict: 40% were Igbo children who died of starvation and malnutrition. The Igbo thought the global community would support them, but they gained little assistance. Many Igbo historians and writers have generally taken to the horrible, destructive and damaging sides of the war with little or no work on its religious realism in the Igbo community. The same is applicable to growth and development of Pentecostalism in Igboland which many writers have done justice to explore but with no or little connection in the area of the relationship between the war and phenomenal growth of Pentecostalism in Igboland. It is based on the above observation that this study is considered worthwhile.
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